Russia
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www.mid.ru Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s remarks and answers to questions during the meeting with MGIMO University students and faculty, Moscow, September 7, 2026
Mr Torkunov,
Friends,
MGIMO University Rector, Anatoly Torkunov, ended his opening remarks by mentioning the university’s anthem and that I had the honour of writing. The fact that this composition was taken on board is even more gratifying. But let me begin by addressing a small reproach to MGIMO’s senior faculty members because this anthem also includes a couple of other verses.
In the second couplet, the censors from the Rector’s office concluded that there was a hint that students are allowed to act on a slightly naughty side here and there as long as this does not create any trouble, and anyone in Russia, or elsewhere for this matter, can do this. Therefore, I do hope that if we are still here next year, please make sure to add the second verse, Mr Torkunov. But I am ready to work with you to add some edits, if needed.
I would like to welcome you at this traditional gathering.
The Rector has talked about the importance of these meetings for MGIMO University’s executive team. Let me assure you that this is also the case for me. This always serves as a very positive impetus for me and those within my team who maintain regular contacts with the university. I would like to express my gratitude to MGIMO University Rector Anatoly Torkunov for what he does on behalf of everyone here and from thousands of people who are not here today. Please, accept my warmest congratulations and best wishes on your birthday – you have marked it recently.
I would like to congratulate first-year students on the beginning of the academic year. In fact, this applies not only to first-year students, but everyone from other educational tiers who are starting the academic year. Of course, I congratulate faculty members and everyone who is involved in maintaining MGIMO University’s level of excellence. It has invariably been among the top Russian universities and also assumed leading positions in several international rankings.
We are living in challenging times. I have no doubt that everyone here takes an active interest in what is happening today. Throughout our history, no one wanted us to be strong. Much has been said about this, including by respected political researchers who are here today and regularly convey this message through their media appearances. Going back all the way to Ivan the Terrible, followed by the 19th and 20th century, and especially in the wake of the Great October Socialist Revolution, no one has ever wanted us to be strong.
In fact, many did not even want to communicate with us. Of course, there were countries under certain rulers who, due to their purely human qualities, were interested in maintaining normal relations with their Russian counterparts. In many cases, they were relatives and brothers, as monarchs. We know all this. However, throughout our entire history there was no sincerity based on the understanding of the historical, political and economic need to live together and promote mutual benefit instead of hatching mischief since those hatching it will ultimately catch it.
There are always exceptions to any rule. There was the Great Patriotic War, especially during its first years when the American lend-lease effort and the British Arctic Convoys, as witnessed by many contemporaries, played what can be de facto described as an almost decisive role in ensuring that in the first year of the war the Red Army was able not only to stand its ground but performed a feat near Moscow – this is when Hitler’s plans started falling apart.
However, those who helped us out with the lend-lease programme and the Arctic Convoys, those who promised opening the second front, they started weighing where the pendulum would swing. We received this assistance instantly and with no questions asked during the first year of the war because it was obvious that Adolf Hitler could not be stopped, as they thought in the West. Today, there are many historical documents to confirm this. Later, when the situation started to improve, to an extent, our allies, to say it as it was, decided to take a closer look at where the pendulum would swing, as I have already said. It is not a coincidence that the second front did not open until early summer 1944.
During the Soviet era and the years when the USSR ceased to exist and new states emerged – the Russian Federation and the former Soviet republics which became its neighbours, – our historians did everything to sweep under the carpet the facts revealing that our relations with the United States and Britain – especially Britain - were not quite those of allies. It was believed that we cherish this memory, and that there was a sacred memory of a brotherhood in arms and the Encounter at the Elbe. This is all true. President Vladimir Putin has emphasised many times the importance of those allied efforts. I am convinced that anyone who takes even the slightest interest in history and who has fair judgement fully shares this view. Yours truly is one such person. However, it now turns out that even before the cannons of the Second World War fell silent, the then Prime Minister of Britain, Winston Churchill had already conceived Operation Unthinkable.
Yesterday, Dmitry Kiselev launched his new evening programme which dissects news and analyses it. He recalled 1949 when the US had plans to bomb about 300 cities in our country. It was only the development of the Soviet nuclear bomb that calmed down, if I may say so, the Americans. This was followed by the USSR falling into a crisis, there were missteps, just as in any other country regardless of its political or social regime. And then there was the perestroika, the glasnost – publicity – policy and the feeling of an end of history, as per Francis Fukuyama.
Many in Russia worshipped Francis Fukuyama. They rushed to embrace the West without thinking whether it was worth embracing it. This signalled a new era when we heard from the highest rostrums that we were no longer enemies or adversaries, and that we did not have any differences anymore in the way we live our lives and provide for the existence of our states and nations, that we are now tarred with the same brush, as the saying goes, and God Bless America.
I do not want to dwell too much on this topic since everyone knows it well and has experienced it in a very intensive way. But this moment did not last too long. This was a period when foreign specialists, experts, advisors filled our official agencies, ministries, state corporations, banks, including the Central Bank, and largely defined the privatisation programme, starting with a TV add equating a privatisation voucher to a Volga car. It did not take long before a bottle of vodka was all you could get for the voucher, and those who made this deal were happy.
Many things happened after that, but December 1999 marked a major stage when then-President Boris Yeltsin transferred power to Vladimir Putin and wished him every success in becoming elected the following year. We know the results of this election very well. That election marked the aspiration and urgent need expressed by the entire nation to return to its roots. It did not happen in an instant and not everyone shared this view, but there was a general sense that this is what we need.
What followed was a challenging path because the West believed that in the 1990s everything worked out as it was supposed to and that the new Russia, having become an ally of the West, is now locked and loaded, to put it simply. But Western political observers and politicians, as well as ideological masterminds, did not factor in the notion summed up by a poem saying that the Soviet people have their own sense of pride. It is not that only the USSR had this kind of awareness. There was a sense of pride within our ethnically diverse nation, and it always existed. The anomaly of the 1990s somewhat suppressed the deep-rooted traditional, civilisational tenets which our people and state always shared.
In the 2000s, after being elected, President Vladimir Putin was genuinely interested in establishing good relations with the West as equal partners, as opposed to what these relations used to be in the 1990s, when we were invited to attend select G8 meetings. It was like we were told to wait in a hallway until we get invited. The financial G8 meetings, which we’re no longer interested in, were held in the same manner as well until recently. We are now full-fledged G20 participants. But we always felt like second-class citizens the way the West treated us.
President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly cited his conversation with US President Bill Clinton in his first year as President of Russia telling the latter we had no issues between us now, no ideological disagreements, and that both countries relied on the market economy. The Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union were history, so he suggested taking it a step further and extending our cooperation to include NATO. We were willing and ready to be an equal and active member of this bloc, which would stabilise the Euro-Atlantic space.
According to President Vladimir Putin, then US President Bill Clinton told him he would think about it. That very evening at a G20 or OSCE event President Clinton told President Putin that his advisers talked his out of it. Well, that was the first red flag to alert us to what kind of participant the West saw us as it was developing its plans for society that, after the end of history, would be united, ideologically cohesive and united by liberal democracy principles.
You are most likely aware of how things unfolded from then on. In 2007, having had his fill of conversations with his Western counterparts, President Vladimir Putin delivered a perfectly composed speech at the Munich Security Conference, in which he laid out the facts and asked the audience whether it was what they really wanted and if this was truly their attitude towards our country. You are aware of what happened next.
Why am I making such a lengthy introduction? Differences between us and the collective West began to mount, not because, as the saying goes, we were looking for trouble. Not in the least. We simply wanted our truth and our legitimate interests, which fully align with the UN Charter principles and other international legal documents, to be heard and taken into account, or better yet respected the way Russia respects others.
This alone caused rejection. It was seen as a mutiny aboard a ship. How was this even possible? We were told we arrived at the end of history, and yet we were the ones to start some kind of new history. They failed to understand, though, that we weren’t starting a new history, but were simply staying faithful and devoted to our roots, ancestors, history, statehood, and civilisation.
This gave rise to the Ukraine crisis, which had been brewing since 2004, when the West cancelled the second round of elections and pressed Ukraine’s Constitutional Court into declaring a third, this time illegal, round, which the Western candidate won. Many events followed. The West clearly made Ukraine the point of the spear of its armed forces aimed at the Russian Federation.
It was quite telling. Ukraine decided to sign an association agreement with the European Union, and President Vladimir Putin pointed out to then Ukrainian leader Viktor Yanukovych that this was impossible because of the free trade zone between Ukraine and Russia (we have strong protection from the EU, which we developed during more than 18 years of negotiations to join the World Trade Organisation). If Ukraine were to open its market to all goods from the EU, we would be compelled to establish a customs border between us and Ukraine in order to prevent our market from being flooded with the goods we have protected ourselves against.
The mere fact that Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych asked the EU to postpone the signing of this agreement for him to analyse the situation was the main reason for the Maidan protests. Viktor Yanukovych was branded as a traitor who opposed joining the EU. Brussels was quite vocal in telling Ukrainians to decide who they were with, Russia or Europe, meaning that the “either-or” approach didn’t go anywhere. We were always considered an evil force that led our neighbours the wrong way and prevented them from ecstatically embracing their European neighbours.
The agreement was eventually reached. The first agreement was to create a government of national unity in February 2014 and to hold elections five months after that. The next morning, they seized all the administrative buildings and announced that they had created a government not of national unity, but a government of victors. They said Yanukovych was nowhere to be found in Kiev and must have fled.
Whenever you get a chance, you can familiarise yourselves with what Western leaders had to say literally the day after the coup. They said, “Finally, the Ukrainian people have had their say.”
One year later, the Minsk agreements were approved by the UN Security Council. Here, too, we were lied to. Then German Chancellor Angela Merkel lied, as did then French President Francois Hollande, and then Ukrainian President Poroshenko. All three of them proudly declared they had no intention of implementing anything. They needed to buy time to prepare for war against Russia.
The Russian President recently recalled Istanbul. In April 2022, after the start of the special military operation, the Ukrainians brought their proposals, and we agreed to them. However, they were told by Boris Johnson and some other figures to keep fighting.
I’m saying this because we are witnessing growing hostility towards Russia, our wealth, our size, our multi-ethnic nation, which tends to trust people, but if this trust gets abused, the guilty party will be met with a harsh response. Our people’s qualities, primarily, our country’s size and wealth, did not sit well with the West.
Many of our political analysis television channels are focusing on the efforts to create political movements out of what they refer to in Belarus as “fugitives,” or those who have “relocated” to foreign countries. These efforts look pathetic, but the work is underway, funds are being allocated, and various international organisations that supposedly deal with environmental or other “innocent” issues are being used to that end.
I’m not here to complain that nobody likes us, no. It is not about resentment. It is simply a statement of fact. Every time we make an agreement with someone, we do so guided by pragmatism. Certain emotions may be part of the deal from our side given the strength of our character. We love fairy tales and fables, and Russian literature, which teach us humanity. Pragmatism is, of course, always there. We do not cut any deals without pragmatism or a balance of interests.
How sincere are the people on the other side? I have cited examples of instances when we have been burned. We have been burned many times throughout our history. Take George V and Nicholas II, for example. In the spring of 1917, Nicholas II’s request to provide political asylum for his family was turned down.
Examples abound. Each country has its own history. And each country is responsible for its own history. If that history is acceptable to the people or peoples concerned - the English, Scots, or the Irish, for example - then, by all means, let them live as their gods tell them to. I’m not sure we pray to the same God, though. But if that is the case, other peoples should enjoy the same right. We have never told anyone how to live their lives, whereas the West has never stopped doing so.
They are now trying to put the colonial era out of their minds. The issue is about over five hundred years of Western domination, during which the West squeezed every last drop from other countries and carried out genocide against Native Americans in America and Black people in Africa. They are trying to leave that behind them, while accusing us of interference in other nations’ affairs. Was half of Europe conquered or liberated after WWII? That is a debatable question.
The fact is, though, that Europe came under Nazi rule, and the overwhelming majority of its population did not merely submit to Nazi rule but fought on the side of the Nazis against us. What were we supposed to say? “Okay, guys, we’re done here. We’ve liberated you, now go ahead and live your lives the way you used to.” History follows its own laws.
I was stunned to read the other day on social media about a Japanese scholar who had written a piece arguing that Hiroshima and Nagasaki would have never happened were it not for the Soviet Union. I’m serious. He explained this by saying that the agreements reached at the Yalta Conference had been allegedly violated by the Soviet Union because it began to expand its influence strongly around the world.
The United States and President Harry Truman were unable to put up with this. They bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki in order to make the Soviet Union “know its place” and stop its “expansion.” I will not go deep into that… But all of that was put forward in earnest by a prominent person recognised as a scholar.
With regard to the special military operation, after our numerous warnings, after repeated reminders of the assurances that it would not expand given by NATO to Mikhail Gorbachev (they claim it was a verbal promise), we began reminding them of the OSCE 1999 Istanbul Declaration which had it in writing that under no circumstances would any group of countries seek to dominate the Euro-Atlantic space. They said it was a mere political declaration. We suggested signing a legally binding instrument. What was their response? They said “We made joint political declarations that are worth nothing; legally binding security guarantees can only be obtained within NATO.” This push to join the alliance was deliberately fostered in order to encompass ever more territory and creep ever closer to our borders.
The first attempt to agree on these legally binding guarantees was made in 2008-2009; the latest one was in 2021, when, in order to avoid the planned “final solution” to the Donetsk and Lugansk question meaning the destruction of our people, we proposed concluding two treaties, a Russia-US treaty and a Russia-NATO treaty. Both were spurned.
The historical process has sped up sharply since the beginning of the special military operation. It would have continued to unfold in “the West against us” or “the West against the rest of the world” paradigms, because the West is unwilling to come to grips with objective changes in the international arena, as new burgeoning centres of power that are balancing the global economy make the world system more stable. The West is against giving them their due. That is why neither China nor India nor other BRICS countries receive the IMF quotas and voting rights they are entitled to according to their global economic weight. Reforms are being artificially held back in order to preserve the US veto, even though, by all economic indicators, that veto should have long been abolished.
Similar steps to contain China are being taken in the WTO. The body responsible for settling disputes has been blocked. So far, there are no signs of a departure from this unilateral position. There are no positive signals.
The development of the richest and largest Eurasian continent is going hand in hand with a new awakening in Africa, where the African Union and all subregional organisations are seeking economic independence and autonomy and want to manage their own natural resources themselves. The euphoria that followed political freedom and decolonisation has passed, because throughout all these decades, African countries, which are politically members of the United Nations, have remained under tremendous economic and financial pressure from the West, which takes their natural resources while creating at home the added value that accounts for the bulk of the profits.
Speaking of Latin America, it was not for nothing that, when Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva last came to the presidential palace, he said that one of his first initiatives within BRICS would be to seek alternative forms of payment, insurance, reinsurance, and settlements more generally. Even now, the bulk of settlements within BRICS and the SCO are conducted in currencies other than the US dollar. That is not to mention the EAEU, the CIS, and the CSTO, as well as our relations with ASEAN and the GCC.
Russia has by now shifted over 90 percent of its trade to either national currencies or reliable “dollar substitutes,” such as the yuan and the dirham. There are many options that provide flexibility and prevent the US dollar, which formally retains its position as the world’s leading reserve currency, from being used for outright blackmail and coercion. This process is unstoppable. Attempts are being made to slow it down. Hence this harshness and the unprecedentedly aggressive actions to impose sanctions and to seize state assets and reserves, something that has never happened before. This is outright theft and plunder. Theft is carried out quietly, whereas plunder, as you know, is done openly. The West is now engaged in plundering assets and the “shadow fleet.” President Vladimir Putin mentioned this again at a news conference on the sidelines of the SCO summit in Kyrgyzstan.
The political life in our country continues. The forthcoming elections to the State Duma are one of the key events of this year and of the entire five-year period. The West is doing everything it can to cast a shadow over this event and to make up as many pretexts as possible that could subsequently be used to call into question the fairness of the elections and the sincerity of the people expressing their will. We feel this inside the country as well, where various characters seeking to assist the West have become more active as well. That includes terrorists hired to undermine our positions in the interest of the Ukrainian Nazi regime.
In this regard, I would like to reiterate what I said as a member of the “group of five” of the United Russia Party to respond to statements that are occasionally made loudly, and occasionally in private conversations, that people have got uncomfortable. That is true. President Vladimir Putin addressed this as well. People in our border regions, such as the Belgorod, Kursk, and Bryansk regions, feel more than uncomfortable. People there and not only there are being killed almost daily. All of that can be felt in various parts of the Russian Federation. There was a very detailed discussion of this, including during the celebrations of Moscow City Day, when President Vladimir Putin met with war correspondents. Naturally, this is one of the main tasks facing our military personnel and everyone working on this in the manufacturing industry.
Let’s turn to diplomacy. Just like everyone else, diplomats are part of society. Our representatives abroad are widely involved in the election campaign. Polling stations are being opened abroad where our citizens, for example, those who happen to be on business trips can vote. We will open polling stations in 152 countries, with 326 polling stations in total. Of these, 61 are in the countries with unfriendly governments which is largely comparable to the situation during the previous State Duma elections five years ago, as well as the most recent presidential election. Their number in the West has fallen by 60 polling stations due to the closure of our consulates. The latest was the Germans’ disgraceful decision to close the Russian Consulate General in Bonn on a ridiculous and contrived pretext. The number of locations and personnel is being reduced. We see it as a case of “you cannot force someone to love you.” We have many proverbs that explain this situation and suggest what needs to be done.
We never wanted to be nice. All we wanted was to be honest in our dealings. However, they are unable to talk honestly about the issues that are of fundamental importance to the security of our entire continent. That is why, for more than two years now, we have been reallocating our personnel to areas where people do not take a defiant stance, live up to their obligations and promises, and work honestly to find a balance of interests. That is what human relations are all about, not just diplomacy or foreign and domestic policy. It’s about a balance of interests, as in any family. You want everything to be nicely balanced, don’t you? Naturally, there are specifics. We have many like-minded partners. Our line of thinking and our truth have been recognised and have attracted sympathy.
I’m not sure what I’m going to say is not out of place, but I’ll say it anyway: an element of the wait-and-see approach is still there. These days, as they say, we need to strengthen Russia’s influence around the world. Of course, we do. We are working on it, and the President is working on it as well. We have created effective associations such as the SCO, BRICS, and many others. We have established ties with other integration groups which are willing to work with us because, to reiterate, we always seek mutually beneficial solutions, including in the economic sphere, rather than trying to say: “If you do not give me your rare earth metals, I will slap tariffs on you that will make you regret it.” That’s not who we are. You know who uses methods like these.
The situation on the frontlines is the main and decisive factor shaping how we are perceived in the world, as well as the prospects for expanding our influence and strengthening our position globally. Once again, I would like to bow to all those taking part in the special military operation, to everyone ensuring that they can carry out their work through organising the rear area operations, and to everyone supporting them with humanitarian assistance. As I understand, there are people here who took part in the special military operation. My respects go to you.
The Foreign Ministry’s main goals are to provide the most effective possible diplomatic and political support for the special military operation; to explain its origins and causes; and to make clear our position, which would have made it possible to end this war on fair terms on many occasions. President Vladimir Putin put forward these terms back in 2024. To end it in a way that that would preclude resurgence of Nazism in Europe which has once again metastasised in this part of the world. Leaving in power a regime that ceremoniously reburies, standing on its knees, the remains of Nazi criminals would mean - and I do not think I am speaking too grandly now, I believe this is a critically important issue - betraying those who defeated Nazism in 1945. That simply cannot be part of our genetic code.
Once again, congratulations to everyone on the start of the academic year. It will be a demanding one in every sense. In addition to our army, navy, aerospace forces and unmanned systems forces - life is moving forward, bringing us more genuine allies - we must, on the diplomatic front and in journalism, political analysis and science, continue to mobilise all our resources to push back against lies and make the truth known to the world at large.
Thank you very much.
Anatoly Torkunov: Thank you very much, Mr Lavrov, for your exceptionally engaging remarks, with their foray into history and analysis of the contemporary situation. I believe it is profoundly important not only for first-year students, but indeed for all those present, to hear such a precise and compelling analytical assessment from you, covering both the past and the present.
Friends, we now have a unique opportunity to pose questions to the Minister. Mr Lavrov, perhaps you would prefer to answer from that seat? There is a microphone here.
Sergey Lavrov: I find it more convenient to remain here. I have already settled in. The flowers are in front of me.
Anatoly Torkunov: Understood, they do indeed brighten up life.
Question: I would like to express my gratitude for today’s remarks, which have enabled us, the students, to gain a deeper appreciation of various facets of our country’s foreign policy and the current international environment. As a future specialist in energy diplomacy and geopolitics, I would like to put the following question to you. In the context of shifts in global logistics chains and the transformation of the world energy market, how do you assess the prospects for diversifying Russian energy exports to Asian markets, and which external factors are being taken into consideration in this regard? Thank you.
Sergey Lavrov: It is no longer a mere prospect. The process has been advancing at full pace for a number of years now. Experts comment upon it regularly. Frankly, I do not even know what more to add.
We are told: “Pivot to the East.” There has been no pivot to the East. At least since the early 2000s, both heads of our eagle have been looking both to the West and to the East, and that remains the case.
Yet, in the current circumstances, Europe is committing hara-kiri and proudly proclaiming that it must endure hardship. Now the Chancellor of Germany, Friedrich Merz, is again reducing certain social benefits, and during her tenure Annalena Baerbock, then Germany’s Foreign Minister, and later President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen, declared: “Yes, our voters are experiencing discomfort. We must suffer, because Ukraine is fighting for our European values.”
By “European values,” it transpires, they mean Nazism, the internment of Nazi criminals, the prohibition of the Russian language, education, culture, the mass media, and the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox Church. We, naturally, started selling to those who are more reliable partners. If Europe wishes to pay 800–900 dollars per thousand cubic metres of American liquefied natural gas, there is little we can do about it.
There is no commotion here. We have always had a sufficient number of buyers. They, too, are now being told: “No, do not purchase from the Russians. Or buy at 45 dollars or euros” (they introduced a cap). Buy American LNG from us. We have surplus.” In other words, as for all the lamentations we have heard for decades about how globalisation is a boon for the entire world – we were told to simply accept the rules of globalisation and abide by these rules. Simultaneously, they claimed that Russian institutions and global trade mechanisms alike – everyone would benefit. Yet, they have simply signed their names to the fact that they were not truthful and are not concerned about their electorates who brought them to power. Just look at the movements that are arising, already rooted in socioeconomic grievances, and not merely in the policies of the present, say, German authorities, whose approach is utterly spineless and devoid of any semblance of independence.
Accordingly, OPEC+ recently convened and resolved to uphold the previously agreed limits. I believe this is the only way to conduct affairs in good faith. I have already mentioned the ongoing discussions within BRICS and other associations regarding the creation of alternative payment platforms and settlement mechanisms. The BRICS New Development Bank is presently undergoing reform, because when it was established, it was assumed that the dollar, the euro, and those who control these currencies would exhibit certain qualities befitting decent people. This has not proved to be the case. Therefore, plans are now afoot to establish an SCO Development Bank. It will be founded upon different principles, unconnected with either the dollar or chains controlled by the West.
Question: What will the Foreign Ministry’s focus in the next five to ten years be in light of the sustainable shifting of Russia’s foreign economic relations from Europe towards Asia, the Middle East and Global South countries? What sectors have the largest growth potential: energy, industrial cooperation, agriculture, transport of high technologies?
Sergey Lavrov: There are many such sectors. All of them have been formalised in long-term agreements on the development of practical cooperation with Russia’s key partners.
These are primarily the People’s Republic of China, the Republic of India, Central Asian states, members of the CIS and the EAEU, and the Union State of Russia and Belarus. In addition, our relations with ASEAN nations are spreading into new spheres, such as energy, including nuclear generation, agribusiness, including food supplies and food production in partner countries, as well as the production of fertilisers, and high technologies, of course.
A veritable race is underway in the latter sphere. The Americans have created Pax Silica, and several months ago China announced the establishment of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organisation, with Russia among the founding members. I can’t say that we are ahead of the world in all AI spheres, but we are leading in a number of aspects. Cooperation between BRICS and SCO members helps us hamper the attempts to yet again establish the domination of a single centre in this crucial sphere.
In other words, we follow the trends. Apart from the mechanism of annual meetings between our heads of government, Russia and China have five intergovernmental commissions co-chaired by deputy prime ministers. They go into minute details which the Foreign Ministry sometimes doesn’t need to know about.
Question: What role should Russia play in shaping a more stable system of regional security, considering the continued instability in the Middle East and a connection between the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the situation around Iran and Syria, and security of the Persian Gulf states?
Sergey Lavrov: Russia’s role in any part of the world, which does not directly border our territory but where we would like to see positive momentum for the development of relations and cooperation, has always been in supporting what the concerned countries are ready to coordinate, including those that don’t get along.
It was towards this end that at least more than 20 years ago, if I am not mistaken, Russia invited the Persian Gulf countries, including the Arab monarchies and Iran (call it prophetic, or call it foresight), to consider holding a meeting for approving a concept of collective security in the Persian Gulf area. We knew that relations between them were complicated, and thought that we could help organise meetings between them to discuss mutual complaints (and there were already a considerable number of them at that time), and coordinate confidence-building and military transparency measures, as well as possible joint events, such as anti-poaching or anti-terrorist drills.
We thought that the organisation of such discussions could be facilitated by the simultaneous involvement of the Arab League, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. At that time (we started promoting that concept more than 20 years ago), we were told that the idea sounds very good and might work in the future, but they were not yet ready for it.
When the war broke out, the situation started changing. You know that it is part of our character too, I mean waiting for the crisis to start acting. Those of you who come from neighbouring countries feel the same way about life. Nevertheless, several years ago, before the US-Israeli aggression against Iran, relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia normalised thanks to China’s initiative and with our active contribution. It was an extremely positive achievement. Later, the People’s Republic of China formulated something similar to our concept for building bridges between the Arab countries and Iran. Incidentally, we have updated our concept several years ago. After that, the Gulf countries started discussing a similar idea. Therefore, I believe that conditions started objectively brewing – after weathering the latest outbreak of military activity, which has allowed us to once again see the danger of such situations – for launching a permanent process, if not creating an organisation.
The Mecca Joint Defence Agreement. Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Türkiye, which formulated that concept of collective security and a defence alliance, have pointed out that it is also open to other countries. This not only implies the Gulf countries; Egypt has also been frequently mentioned in this connection. I am confident that if Algeria shows an interest, it will be positively accepted. At some stage, provided this structure also coordinates conditions on which Iran could be involved in this process, it could become the best concrete step in the direction of the concept we formulated. We won’t claim to be the first to formulate the concept, which can be named or renamed as you want, as some are doing right now. This is not the main point. But we see the nascent trend towards people realising a simple fact – we are neighbours and therefore should not create threats for each other.
Regrettably, not everyone in the United States is ready to reinforce this trend. Israel has openly spoken against it, claiming that nothing good will come of it until Iran is crushed. I think life will put everything in its place. Israel and the United States are preparing for elections. We need to reach out to them when it’s most convenient for them to speak, because if we don’t, they will be engaged in a new election cycle.
Question: As is well known, at all times, it is the strong who command respect. By strength, I refer not solely to military capability, but, above all, to diplomatic prowess. In your view, what are the most effective diplomatic measures that any state can and indeed should undertake to ensure that it is treated with due regard and respected on the world stage?
Sergey Lavrov: There exists no universal formula. The approach may vary from case to case. For one state, it may be a demonstration of force; for another – a resolute refusal to engage. Life is more nuanced…
I have already alluded to the analogy of families, where, on occasion, there are quarrels, and at other times, members simply heap contempt upon one another. Such things can manifest themselves in various ways. The principal point is that, in all instances, one must respond if one’s dignity is affronted. And one must respond in such a manner as not to impinge upon another’s dignity without justification. It is not uncommon for disputes and conflicts to arise, so to speak, out of thin air, which, in reality, stem from a collision of legitimate, objective interests. In such circumstances, it is necessary to sit down and negotiate in good faith. The West, regrettably, has lost the ability to reach such agreements, even on an occasional or episodic basis. By and large, the West is notorious for attempting to negotiate through the issuing of ultimatums, advancing demands that are humiliating to many states and which reek of colonialism. In this case, we must recall the calamities that colonialism has inflicted upon our planet.
I have already spoken of Africa’s second awakening, yet it is equally significant that, last year, the UN General Assembly proclaimed December 14 each year as the International Day Against Colonialism in All Its Forms and Manifestations. This will not be a mere discussion, but a fully-fledged movement. Incidentally, two years ago, our United Russia party initiated an inter-party movement, For the Freedom of Nations, which convenes its conferences annually – another is scheduled for this year. This movement is dedicated to leveraging inter-party links to draw the attention of the international community and the United Nations to the persistent manifestations of colonialism and neo-colonial practices.
Here, one may act in various ways, but in the example cited by President Putin – “orcas and polar bears” – the matter is unequivocal.
Question: Russia has consistently opposed unilateral sanctions not endorsed by the UN Security Council. In your view, which avenues for the development of international law could, in the long term, reinforce the state accountability for imposing extraterritorial restrictions?
Sergey Lavrov: I would say that, among international legal instruments – none. The West has already exhibited its nihilism towards international law.
If we consider the formal dimension, not so long ago the UN General Assembly proclaimed December 4 as the International Day Against Unilateral Coercive Measures, and December 14 as the International Day Against Colonialism in All Its Forms and Manifestations. There is a General Assembly resolution; yet, as you understand, transforming it into a legally binding instrument is a formidable, if not impossible, task, given that the West remains intent on dictating terms, will resort to the veto, and will prevent its dependents from acceding to such a document.
Nevertheless, there is a way forward. I have already touched upon it in part. We must extricate ourselves from those mechanisms, chains, instruments, and currencies that were, for many decades, promoted to us during the era of globalisation – imposed as tools purportedly guaranteeing justice and, above all, mutual benefit, the lowest possible cost of living, and efficient pricing for goods, services and so forth.
The moment it became necessary to “punish Russia,” all talk of the free play of market forces, the presumption of innocence, and the other so-called hallmarks of fairness under globalisation (according to the American model) was abruptly abandoned.
We have already discussed this topic today. We must transition to our own robust and honest mechanisms, platforms, and instruments. As President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly emphasised, we are not opposed to the dollar; it was not we who turned our back on the dollar – we were denied it. And what is it they expect of us now? That we should sit and barter for beads? No, that will not happen.
The Americans and Europeans, the Japanese and their cohorts – all those who adhere to their policies – are, through their own actions, wilfully dismantling the model of globalisation which they themselves conceived, nurtured, cherished, and foisted upon the world. Once it became apparent that they were unable to manage this globalisation effectively, they began – indeed, long before the launch of the special military operation – to impede reforms of the Bretton Woods institutions and the WTO, whilst simultaneously deploying sanctions and other restrictions as instruments of blackmail.
I recall that, when Donald Trump was still campaigning for re-election, he vehemently accused Joe Biden of having undermined confidence in the dollar. He claimed that Biden was employing the dollar as a tool of sanctions, that this would backfire on the United States, and that, before long, everyone would be scratching their heads and wondering why they should retain their accumulated wealth in dollars. According to Trump, Biden had taken a criminal step against America.
Yet, once elected, Donald Trump began to accuse BRICS of seeking to slink away from the dollar and to create their own alternatives. He insisted that this must not be permitted and that those attempting it must be punished.
This situation requires composure on our part and a focus on establishing reliable instruments for conducting trade, economic and investment affairs, in such a way that none of our adversaries – and especially none of those who have declared us their enemy – will be in a position to impede us in any way.
Question: As sanction barriers and protectionism grow and international trade becomes more politicised, what opportunities does the Russian Federation see for maintaining openness in international economic relations, and for expanding trade relations with the Global Majority countries?
Sergey Lavrov: We seem to be beating around the bush. I thought we’ve already covered this topic.
We are always open to cooperation with those who are ready to cooperate on equal terms, with mutual benefits and seeking a balance of interests. The overwhelming majority of the countries of the Global South and East are ready for this. The West doesn’t want them to cooperate with us. Western envoys are touring capitals and telling them they should not engage in trade with Russia. We know that the Americans are doing the same. They are discouraging our close partners from maintaining relationships with us – and not for economic reasons any more but simply because they don’t want our partners’ economic capabilities to bring any benefit to Russia whatsoever. They want to reorient these capabilities to themselves.
Aside from Joe Biden’s sanctions, there are Donald Trump’s sanctions. The Trump Administration has extended all the sanctions imposed during the special military operation by Biden. The attempts to “hog,” as we used to say in Russia, the international businesses of Lukoil and Rosneft are happening under Trump. It is no longer the legacy of the previous Democratic administration.
The Americans have different motives. They simply want to do as much as possible in their own favour. Europe is extremely ideologised, as we have said today in the context of Nazism resurgence. Nazism currently prevails in Ukraine, it goes without saying. But it is starting to push its way into other countries, say, Germany. I’ve given examples.
There is only one way to respond. Since globalisation, created by the Americans and into which they have been dragging everybody by persuasion, has now been destroyed by its own creators, we should be bolder in building new spaces where globalisation rules will govern without unilateral whimsical changes. It is exactly what BRICS is doing today.
When we held the summit in Kazan in the autumn of 2024, we proposed an entire series: our own grain exchange, our own payment platforms, and much more. This has to be done under all the current circumstances, including Europe seriously discussing the takeover of the Central Bank funds deposited at Euroclear in Belgium. The Belgians are still resisting. They seem to have some remnants of conscience.
The Russian Central Bank has filed lawsuits. They have won over 18 trillion rubles in our courts. But in any case, it is not an easy story for the Western monetary system, the system of these storages or whatever they are called. We are told that this is the quality of Western decency, including in finances.
We’ve been told: you see, the Russian Central Bank deposited a certain amount with Euroclear – say, 100 billion. According to the contract, these 100 billion will accrue a two percent annual interest. These 102 percent per year are yours, we are not touching them. But the market economy allows earning more than two percent on the same 100 billion. Anything in excess of the two percent is not even yours and never has been and is not supposed to be yours. Therefore, we can transfer these excess earnings to Ukraine completely legally. And they have, several times. But if you are an honest person and analyst, this excess profit was made on your money on the terms you signed when your money was still free to take back. And this case now looks like swindlers get the upper hand. That is why we need to build our own options.
Some say maybe they will eventually get past it and come to their senses, and we will return to mutually beneficial and equal cooperation. Russian President Vladimir Putin stated firmly back in 2022, soon after the launch of the special military operation, that we are open to contacts with everybody, including our Western colleagues. But there is no return to the relations that existed before February 2022. Never say never, but my prognosis is that, no such relations will exist through the lifetimes of all the generations present here. We will never believe the West again after its past and present lies. Our attempt to give these Western colleagues a chance finally persuaded us that our current course is the only right trajectory.
Question: Countries’ strategic interests change over time. In your view, what forms the enduring foundation of relations between states? Is it a convergence of interests at a particular point in history, or the ability to genuinely understand each other’s culture, values, history and unique characteristics, even when their positions may differ fundamentally?
Sergey Lavrov: First of all, you have listed almost all the qualities that every self-respecting nation and every self-respecting state needs.
I once tried to reflect on this myself, looking at it through the prism of my own experience. I have a poem called The Ambassadorial Prikaz. It is about those who served in the Ambassadorial Prikaz in the 16th century and carried out the instructions entrusted to them. It contains the following quatrain:
They served their country, feeling its every nerve,
They learned the art of getting along and striking a deal,
They learned to live by giving others the respect they deserved,
And taught others how to always respect Russia.
That is how I put it. But everything you have mentioned is absolutely essential, especially for those whose work involves regular interaction with other countries and political systems.
First and foremost, you need to understand your country’s fundamental goals – its core priorities. There can never be very many of them. They include respect for your roots and traditions, a sense of continuity, respect for older generations, carrying on their work, preserving their memory, and passing these traditions and memories on to future generations. This is particularly important today. I believe the most important thing is to pass on to future generations what our generation, and the other generations represented here, feel about their country and their people – especially at a time when war has been declared on us and there are those who do not want us to preserve everything that our multinational Russian nation is known for.
As young people, you can see that today all kinds of modern devices, social media, podcasts and everything else are widely used. Against this backdrop, the spoken word and live communication are becoming even more valuable and meaningful.
MGIMO University is actively involved in school education – something I fully support and which we began developing together with Anatoly Torkunov – and, I believe, even in preschool education. The Primakov Gymnasium, for example, has preschool classes. And we want to establish another multifunctional educational centre for secondary education. There are also boarding schools and other schools in the Moscow Region that place an emphasis on personal interaction with students, rather than simply pressing a button and being told what a bisector is. I was struck by a commercial I saw on television. A boy asks his father what a bisector is. His father tells him not to be silly and instead asks GigaChat what a bisector is. The neural network suggests that he could have explained it himself. I do not think that is a good thing.
We could talk about this for a long time. But the most important thing, as in Vladimir Vysotsky’s song, is to be a decent person.
Question: What advice would you give to young students who are working hard, doing their best, pursuing their own projects, but still not succeeding? Everyone tells them to keep trying and keep moving forward, but no one tells them how.
Sergey Lavrov: Again, there is no one-size-fits-all advice. If someone is determined to prove themselves but something is not working out, they will focus, look for information online, and work out how to move forward. That is a perfectly worthwhile path and a commendable ambition.
On the other hand, mentorship – I am not sure whether that is what it is called these days – and advice from a more experienced colleague, or perhaps even from a classmate who has already succeeded, still have an important role to play. Perhaps the key is to trust your own judgement. If you have friends or acquaintances in your year or in more senior years who are working on the same subject and have some understanding of it, you can turn to them for advice. Personally, I would be more inclined to form small groups of people with shared interests and hold what we used to call brainstorming sessions. But ultimately, it all comes down to the individual.
When Anatoly Torkunov and I were students, times were difficult, but even then, no one painted us all with the same brush.
Questions: You have already been asked about the economy and economic influence, but economic influence is often not enough for a country, which also needs political influence. Therefore, I would like to ask you how political influence will evolve in our world.
Russia has been consistently speaking against a monocentric world, and has been using the SCO, BRICS and, as you said, other structures, which is bearing fruit. But what would the SCO and BRICS do to bolster this economic momentum? What would the SCO and BRICS do to create global governance mechanisms? And lastly, are our allies – the non-Western countries – ready to follow us in that direction?
Sergey Lavrov: Speaking about global governance, the People’s Republic of China is promoting four global initiatives. One of them is a global governance initiative. Others concern artificial intelligence, which we have already mentioned, a global security concept, and the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind. We believe that all these initiatives are useful. Each of them has been formulated generically, with universal methods of advancing, and is based on the assumption that once they are approved, the countries that potentially join these concepts will refine the mechanics, technology, algorithms, and other elements.
We are also promoting several initiatives. President Vladimir Putin said a long time ago, during the third Russia-ASEAN Summit held in Sochi in 2016, that Eurasia, the world’s largest continent, has numerous subregional integration structures, but it is the only continent without a framework organisation that would be open to all Eurasian countries without exception. There are many subregional organisations in Africa and Latin America, but Africa also has the African Union, which unites all countries on the continent, and Latin America has the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). It also has the Organisation of American States (OAS), which includes not only Latin American countries but also the United States and Canada. At one stage, quite long ago, Latin American countries decided that they want their own organisation in addition to the OAS, where they would be able to discuss various issues among themselves, in a cosy, informal setting.
Eurasia did not have such a continental, umbrella organisation. It is obvious that creating an umbrella organisation artificially would be wrong.
Our Kazakhstani friends – President Nursultan Nazarbayev was the first to suggest this initiative – created the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA), which, apart from SCO countries, also has Israel among its members and the United States as an observer country. They have now proposed turning the conference into an organisation. We agree, but in this case, it is necessary to decide who will have a right to join it, and what the accession criteria will be. If this organisation will focus on confidence-building measures in Asia, countries from the other parts of the world can’t be invited to join it. Besides, we believe that CICA de facto has the Eurasian scope. During the latest SCO summit, President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev supported the approach under which the Eurasian contour will be the guideline for shaping this structure.
In addition, Eurasia also has the Union State of Russia and Belarus, the EAEU, the SCO, which has been mentioned a number of times today, as well as the CSTO and ASEAN. ASEAN, the SCO and the EAEU have signed memorandums on developing mutual relations, on holding regular consultations, and on the gradual division of labour. If transport and logistics programmes (for example, between ASEAN and the SCO) overlap, we can launch joint production and joint projects, which would save time and resources.
President Putin has proposed focusing horizontal contacts between Eurasian integration structures on harmonizing conditions for economic activity, synchronising transport and logistics processes, thereby shaping a Greater Eurasian Partnership.
The idea of a Greater Eurasian Partnership resonates with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which has a global reach but focuses primarily on the Eurasian continent. Our Chinese friends will give more attention to it now, because routes across the Middle East, via Central Asia and towards Europe are currently drawing increased interest from our Western colleagues, primarily the United States, which don’t want to boost the proliferation of Chinese influence across this continent.
Nevertheless, the process is underway, and there are certain plans, as President Putin has recently said. The International North-South Transport Corridor, which has been halted over the situation around Iran, remains fully on track and will be implemented. There is also the trans-Arctic transport framework built around the Northern Sea Route, and there are plans to reach out to the Far East via the Indian Ocean from the southern point of the North-South Corridor.
There are many plans. As for geopolitical affairs, such processes can provide a material foundation for a continental security system. This sounds like a utopia now, but this could be done on a global scale if we had a structure like the OSCE, which aimed to reconcile the West and the East.
Incidentally, when the idea of a Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe was raised, the Soviet Union believed that its members would be all European countries, roughly up to the Ural Mountains. However, Europeans insisted that it should also include the United States and Canada. Ever since, they’ve been dealing with the fallout. I don’t know how it will all end.
Of course, to say that the OSCE is in crisis is an understatement. It has fully discredited itself. Its principle of consensus has been trampled. All kinds of commissioners for national minorities, human rights, and freedom of the media are playing an absolutely one-sided game, and always against us, because some restraining factors have already been lost.
Speaking about security, we should probably set ourselves an ambitious goal, even if it will take time to achieve it: a Eurasian security architecture open to all countries on our continent but without non-regional players. It is clear that the United States won’t like to be removed from the process. But we should promote and explain the philosophy… It is not a utopia. It could well be implemented at some point.
Our Belarusian friends hold an annual International Conference on Eurasian Security. They will hold its fourth edition in November 2026. We have jointly prepared the Eurasian Charter of Diversity and Multipolarity in the 21st Century for it, roughly in the spirit of the Chinese initiatives I mentioned, that is, as a conceptual framework requiring endorsement from like-minded partners, with further specification in practical projects. It is notable that the previous three conferences held in Minsk were attended by several European, or more precisely, EU countries. These were Hungary (when Viktor Orban was prime minister), Slovakia and Serbia.
I believe that the coordination of initiatives that are offered for a general discussion probably takes more time than the surprise meetings of the European Political Community, which President of France Emmanuel Macron calls for “the day after tomorrow.” It is just another OSCE but without Russia and Belarus. It can be called for the day after tomorrow. They don’t need to think about serious issues there; the only thing they need to discuss is “isolation.”
The preparation of events I am talking about will take more time, but their outcome will certainly be more stable, reliable and lasting.
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Thank you, colleagues.
I once again congratulate you on the new academic year.
Until we meet again!